Return To: 2024 Handbook

2024 Handbook

The Historical Security Council of 1961

Topics

Membership of the Historical Security Council of 1961 Membership of the Historical Security Council of 1961

  • Ceylon (Sri Lanka)
  • Chile
  • China
  • Ecuador
  • France
  • Liberia
  • Turkey
  • Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (Russian Federation)
  • United Arab Republic (Egypt)
  • United Kingdom
  • United States of America

Top ↑

Introduction Introduction

The 2024 American Model United Nations Historical Security Council (HSC) will simulate world events beginning on 1 January 1961. Historically, the key international security concerns at this time revolve around the continuing hostilities between the United States and the Soviet Union, the civil war in the Congo, and the rise of hostilities in Latin America and the Caribbean. Another key issue confronting the Security Council is the emerging role of Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld, whose actions challenged the authority of the Security Council on several occasions.

By early 1961, colonialism was collapsing while changing political and social climates forced governments to make drastic changes to deal with new pressures. Cold War tensions between the Soviet Union and the United States were high and played out on all levels of foreign policy and diplomacy. The internal political landscape of many developing and newly independent countries was influenced by this struggle for global ideological dominance. Meanwhile, United Nations Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld continued his efforts to energetically use the Secretariat to fulfill the roles of the United Nations Charter as he saw fit, pursuing peace actively, sometimes at odds with the Security Council’s Member States.

The brief synopsis presented here offers introductory coverage of prominent international issues that can direct representatives’ continued research and preparation.

For each topic area, representatives should consider the following questions, which should assist them in gaining a better understanding of the issues at hand, particularly from their country’s perspective:

  • How did this conflict begin?
  • What parties are involved in the situation and what are their concerns?
  • How have similar situations or conflicts been peacefully resolved?
  • What roles can the United Nations take in the situation? What roles should the United Nations take in the situation?

The Situation in the Congo  The Situation in the Congo 

Throughout the 1950s, Belgium faced increasing pressure to grant independence to the Belgian Congo. In an effort to avoid fighting a prolonged insurgency, such as had been encountered by other colonial powers that sought to maintain their colonial holdings, Belgium agreed to grant independence to Congo on 30 June 1960.

As the agreed-upon date for independence approached, Congo found itself ill-prepared for self-governance. Its great size, coveted natural resources, fractured political leadership, tribal loyalties and dependence on the 10,000-strong Belgian colonial civil service contributed to an extremely precarious situation. Although a Treaty of Friendship, Assistance, and Cooperation with Belgium was signed by the first government on the eve of independence, it was never ratified and was quickly disregarded.

The first government of the newly independent Republic of the Congo (also called Congo-Leopoldville; note this is different from the former-French colony that would eventually become the current day Republic of the Congo, which was typically referred to as Congo-Brazzaville) was a coalition formed between the leaders of two opposing political factions, President Joseph Kasa-Vubu and Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba. The power-sharing structure of the national government created by the newly minted constitution was plagued by instability caused by the two powerful and opposing factions vying for dominance and control.

Problems in the Congo began just five days after independence. A series of mutinies swept through the Congolese army, as Congolese troops removed European officers and installed native Congolese commanders between 5-9 July 1960. Mutineers roamed the capital city of Leopoldville and attacked Europeans. The new, all-Congolese military created a terrifying environment for Europeans living and working in the Congo, causing thousands of Belgians to flee to Congo-Brazzaville, Rhodesia and Belgium. On 10 July 1960, the Belgian military intervened unilaterally, sending 1,200 troops to supplement the force of 2,000 already in Congo under the Treaty of Friendship. By 12 July 1960, the Belgian troops had reestablished order in Leopoldville as well as other cities.

Neither Kasa-Vubu nor Lumumba were backed by Belgium or Belgians living in the Congo, and power struggles between the Belgians and the new Congolese government intensified. Belgium found an ally in Moise Tshombe, the President of the Katanga Province. Under Belgian rule, the Katanga Province was administered separately from the rest of the Congo, as it was mineral rich and economically vital. The new provisional constitution called for a unitary system which joined the Congo’s provinces together in one government. Because of Katanga’s economic strength and close ties to Belgium, Tshombe and his political faction supported a federated system, which would maintain more autonomy for Katanga, and he was unable to reach an agreement with Kasa-Vubu and Lumumba. With Belgian political, civilian and military support, using the excuse of the military riots, Tshombe declared Katanga Province independent from Congo on 11 July 1960.

The severity of the conflict and violence drew the attention of United Nations Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld, who actively campaigned for United Nations involvement in establishing peace in the region. Ralph Bunche, the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General, kept Hammarskjöld apprised of the evolving situation. On 10 July 1960, the Congolese Cabinet formally requested United Nations’ help in the form of “technical assistance in the military field.”

On 13 July 1960, Hammarskjöld invoked Article 99 of the Charter, requesting an immediate meeting of the Security Council to discuss the situation. The Security Council passed Resolution 143 (with abstentions by China, France and the United Kingdom) which called for the withdrawal of Belgian troops and the establishment of a United Nations force providing “military assistance as necessary,” per the Congolese request. On 16 July, the first of the eventual 3,500 United Nations troops, composed mainly of African regiments, entered the Congo, landing in Leopoldville.

United Nations forces have faced many challenges in meeting their mission. Resolution 143 had several problems: first, the Secretary-General’s responsibilities were not clear; second, there was no timetable for action; third, there was no description of the military assistance required; fourth, there was no mention of territorial integrity or direction with regard to the Katanga situation; and fifth, United Nations troops were authorized to use force only in self defense and were not to become a party to any internal conflicts.

The question of Katangan independence has exacerbated problems in the Congo and inflamed internal politics within the United Nations. On 12 August Secretary-General Hammarskjöld visited Katanga to personally negotiate with Tshombe to secure the admittance of United Nations forces into Katanga. As the situation with Katanga lingered, Prime Minister Lumumba has grown extremely critical and distrustful of the United Nations; he has issued several ultimatums for the United Nations to conform to his policies and provide United Nations military force against Tshombe in Katanga or withdraw.

Hammarskjöld has been deeply and personally involved in the handling of the Congo crisis, repeatedly appearing before the Council seeking endorsement of his actions. On 8 August, the Council passed Resolution 146, backing Hammarskjöld’s plan and actions, clarifying the territorial integrity issue by calling upon all States to refrain from any action that might undermine the territorial integrity of the Congo, and, again, demanding the departure of Belgian troops. Although the first United Nations troops entered Katanga in mid-August, the Belgians did not fully withdraw until mid-October.

In early September, Kasa-Vubu dismissed Lumumba and declared a new government with the support of the Army Chief of Staff, Colonel Joseph Mobutu. Lumumba, in turn, announced that President Kasa-Vubu was no longer Head of State and called upon the people, workers and the army to rise. The Council of Ministers published a communiqué depriving Kasa-Vubu of his power, nullifying his ordinances, revoking the government and accusing him of high treason. Both houses of the Congolese parliament voted to support Lumumba. Complicating matters further, on 14 September, General Joseph Mobutu, the recently appointed head of the Congolese army by Kasa-Vubu, declared a military take over of the government through 31 December, stating that he was suspending both Lumuba and Kasa-Vubu from their positions. Though he suspended Kasa-Vubu’s presidency, Mobutu is generally considered to be aligned with Kasa-Vubu. Lumumba and his supporters oppose Mobutu and still pursue their own claim for leadership. At the opening of the United Nations General Assembly in September, both factions vied for the Congo’s seat. The Kasa-Vubu/Mobutu delegate was seated after a long, drawn out political battle.

The interplay of Cold War politics has been an underlying and complicating factor in the Congo crisis. While western-bloc countries like the United States support Mobutu, the Soviet Union supports the legitimacy of the Lumumba government and the Congolese Parliament by providing military aid to Lumumba. The Soviet Union also has used the crisis as an opportunity to attack Hammarskjöld’s leadership. Soviet Premier Nikita Khruschev addressed Hammarskjöld specifically in his remarks at the opening of the General Assembly in 1960, accusing Hammarskjold and the United Nations forces of conspiring with the United States and Belgium against Lumumba.

Other African states have also played major roles in influencing the political situation of the Congo. Seventeen African states were admitted to the United Nations General Assembly in the fall 1960 session, immediately becoming a bloc influencing negotiations and actions. While they have joined the West in isolating the Soviet bloc, they have not always been united and often disagreed with the West on specifics in the Congo. Three major African groups have formed: those which back Lumumba, those which back the actions of the United Nations, and those which back Mobutu and Kasa-Vubu.

Near the end of 1960, events again moved toward an imminent crisis. On 28 November, Lumumba was arrested by forces loyal to Mobutu and jailed, and he currently remains a captive as 1961 dawns. Katanga is independent, with a strong Belgian infrastructure still in place, and both the Belgians and the Soviets are supplying various factions in bids to establish new independent territories.

Bibliography 

United Nations Documents 

Top ↑

The Situation in Latin America and the Caribbean The Situation in Latin America and the Caribbean

Many Latin American and Caribbean countries were dealing with severe and mounting problems in the first years of the 1960s. Countries in this region often faced challenges in their attempts to develop an industrialized economy, enact land reform and establish stronger civilian control over the military. The rapidly changing domestic political, social and economic climate in Latin American and Caribbean countries, coupled with the growing importance of the Cold War in international affairs, led to significant instability throughout the region.

For example, in Argentina, a civilian government was elected in 1958 following a series of military coups in the 1950s. Among the many challenges facing the new civilian government, mass strikes and rapid inflation were two of the most pressing issues. Brazil, attempting to achieve decades of economic growth and reform in a few years, was facing pressure from international creditors and growing military unrest. Civil unrest and economic instability were also prevalent in Bolivia, El Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua and Venezuela.

The seizure of power in Cuba by Fidel Castro in early 1959 shocked the region and international community—especially the United States. While Castro does not consider himself a Marxist, the growing mistrust between the Cuban government and the United States has heightened Cold War tensions in the region. Castro has increasingly relied on assistance from the Cuban Communist Party for organizational and political support in pursuing a populist economic agenda and has clamped down on unsympathetic organizations and members of the press. Further, Castro has begun developing stronger political, economic and military ties with the Soviet Union. These developments have been a cause of concern among the United States and its Latin American allies, who worry about the possibility of a Marxist state in the Caribbean coupled with the potential for a Soviet military presence close to the US mainland.

Cuba accused the United States of seeking to destabilize and overthrow the Cuban government. Cuba claimed the United States was arming and protecting Cuban war criminals and counter-revolutionary elements, and cited multiple violations of Cuban airspace in 1960. In July 1960, the Cuban government requested to be heard before the Security Council to discuss “repeated threats, reprisals and aggressive acts” by the United States against Cuba. On 19 July 1960, the Security Council responded with Resolution 144, which deferred the issue until a report was received from the Organization of American States (OAS) on the issue. In addition the Security Council called for all parties to reduce tensions in the region.

Current issues facing the Council include the possibility of increased tension between Cuba and other States in the region and the likelihood of new political instability caused by economic and social turmoil. The political developments in Cuba when added to the global tension concerning the spread of communism have further heightening the conflict between communist and democratic states in other global topics and negotiations.

Bibliography

United Nations Documents

Top ↑

Security Council / Secretariat Cooperation Security Council / Secretariat Cooperation

During its early years, the United Nations was generally allowed only those duties and roles the great powers were willing to extend to it. As a result, the relationship between the Security Council and the Secretary-General and the Secretariat was rarely acrimonious. Furthermore, the United Nations as an organization rarely took an active role in international crises. After Dag Hammarskjöld took over the role of Secretary-General from Trygvie Lie in 1953, the Secretariat has taken a more activist role. Compared to his predecessor, Hammarskjöld has demonstrated an increased willingness to take independent action in international affairs to promote the ideals of the United Nations. As Secretary-General, he has expanded the influence of the United Nations and the role of peacekeeping efforts, particularly in the Middle East and Africa.

Hammarskjöld has promoted the use of the good offices of the United Nations in a number of situations around the world in an attempt to prevent war and further the ideals of the United Nations Charter. Though rebuffed by the great powers, Hammarskjöld attempted to intercede during the Suez Crisis and other conflicts in the Middle East. Hammarskjöld was also active in Africa, as decolonization issues came to prominence in the late 1950s. In addition to providing the good offices of the United Nations, Hammarskjöld has promoted the role of the United Nations as a peacekeeping force.

Under Hammarskjöld, United Nations peacekeeping forces have been deployed to more areas of dispute than any time before, including the Republic of Congo in one of the largest peacekeeping operations in history. Hammarskjöld’s activist approach to his role as Secretary-General and the Secretariat has often led to tensions both within the United Nations bureaucracy and between the Secretariat and Member States. Hammarskjöld has shown he is willing to take actions without having first gained what others would consider to be full approval for those actions; he is also known to take particularly broad interpretations of approvals. Hammarskjöld’s role in interpreting the orders of United Nations forces and reporting back to the Security Council is one such example. Hammarskjöld often defended his actions on the principles of working toward the maintenance of international peace and stability or on expansive views of General Assembly actions and authority.

Irrespective of the source of his authority, the activist nature in which the office of the Secretary-General is viewed (both by Hammarskjöld and his Secretariat support staff) has led to many disagreements. Several Member States have publicly expressed disapproval with what they viewed as the Secretary-General’s meddling in what were otherwise sovereign affairs or policies.

Bibliography

Top ↑

Relations Between the Great Powers Relations Between the Great Powers

Cold War tensions have affected international relations throughout the past decade. Most political thinkers view the international situation as a zero-sum game for virtually every decision made by the United States, the Soviet Union and both countries’ allies. It is increasingly accepted by politicians and decision makers that any success by an ‘enemy’ country meant a loss for their country, and that the ‘enemy’ needed to be confronted around the globe. As 1961 dawns, tensions between the Soviet Union and the west are higher than ever before.

While many minor events have occurred over the last few years, the most significant issue occurred on 1 May 1960 when Soviet missiles shot down a United States U-2 spy plane in Soviet airspace. The incident took place just prior to a major East-West Summit in Paris, significantly increasing the tense setting for the meeting. The Security Council took up the discussion under the heading “The Question of Relations Between the Great Powers,” and discussions were held in several meetings from May through July. A draft resolution concerning the violations of Soviet airspace failed to gain a majority on 26 May. A more acceptable and neutrally phrased resolution, Resolution 135, passed on 27 May. The resolution appealed to United Nations Member States to refrain from the threat or use of force in international relations, called for continued disarmament talks between the major powers (especially on nuclear issues) and urged the four nuclear powers (France, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom and the United States) to continue discussions in order to reduce tensions.

The Soviet Union again complained to the Council of continuing aggressive acts and overflights of Soviet territory by the U.S. Air Force, which was met with repeated denials from the United States. This led to three additional draft resolutions in July, but each failed due to vetoes by Permanent Members of the Security Council.

It is in the context of Cold War relationships and tensions that the Security Council must address the issues of 1961. The Council’s ability to act, and the efficacy of such action, could be predicated on overall United Nations activity and on the actions of its Member States. The Cold War, and its attendant military, political and economic implications, threatens to destabilize the system and efficiency of the Security Council and possibly the United Nations as a whole.

Bibliography

United Nations Documents

Support AMUN to accelerate the development of future leaders

AMUN is a non-profit that continues to grow with the help from people like you!
DONATE