Return To: 2023 Handbook

2023 Handbook

The Security Council

The following updates are available:

Security Council Situation Report 13 November 2023

Security Council Situation Report 7 November 2023

Security Council Situation Report 16 October 2023

Security Council Situation Report 25 September 2023

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Membership of the Security Council Membership of the Security Council

  • Albania 
  • Brazil 
  • China
  • Ecuador 
  • France
  • Gabon 
  • Ghana 
  • Japan 
  • Malta 
  • Mozambique 
  • Russian Federation
  • Switzerland 
  • United Arab Emirates 
  • United Kingdom
  • United States

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Introduction Introduction

The topics covered in this chapter are a guide to help direct your research on your State’s positions. Updates on likely topics for the Contemporary Security Council will be posted online throughout the fall. These updates will be available on the AMUN website and the AMUN Accords. The Contemporary Security Council topics below are current as of 1 July 2023 and may not include all topics that the Council might discuss at Conference. With the ever-changing nature of international peace and security, what is important to the Council may change between now and the start of Conference.

For each topic area, representatives should consider the following questions to help them in gaining a better understanding of the issues at hand, particularly from their country’s perspective:

  • How did this situation begin?
  • Who are involved in the situation and what are their concerns?
  • How have similar situations or conflicts been peacefully resolved?
  • What roles can the United Nations take in the situation? What roles should the United Nations take in the situation?
    If there are non-state actors involved in a conflict, are there any States supporting them? If so, which ones?

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Maintenance of peace and security of Ukraine Maintenance of peace and security of Ukraine

From 2007 to 2011, the European Union (EU) and Ukraine negotiated a comprehensive free trade agreement. The agreement was widely popular with Ukrainian citizens but became politically problematic when Vladamir Putin, president of the Russian Federation, announced his opposition on the grounds that the trade agreement was a threat to Russia. Political pressure from Russia mounted until Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych abruptly abandoned the trade deal in November 2013. In response protests known as the Maiden Revolution erupted across Ukraine. Protests continued for months and involved increasingly violent clashes between protesters and security forces, the eventual formation of an interim government, and the formal ouster of Yanukovych and his exile to Russia on 22 February 2014. 

Protests against the new interim government began the next day in Sevastopol, the largest city in Crimea. The Crimea region is 90 percent ethnically Russian, and a majority of its citizens backed Yanukovych and his pro-Russian policies. Protests continued throughout the week and on 27 February, unmarked forces began occupying key government buildings in Crimea. Under occupation, the Crimean parliament voted in an emergency session to form a new regional government around the Russian Unity party. Russia has since confirmed the unmarked forces were from its own Black Sea Fleet, which is headquartered in Sevastopol by treaty. With the Russian Unity party in power, Russia formally incorporated the southern peninsula of Crimea on 18 March 2014. 

Also in March, separatists in the eastern region of the Donbas on the Russian border, including the major cities of Donetsk and Luhansk, seized control of the regions from the national government. The Ukrainian army attempted to retake control, but suffered a crippling defeat in the battle of Ilovaisk on 2 September 2014. The Minsk Protocol signed on 5 September 2014 and the Minsk II signed on 12 February 2015 established a tenuous cease-fire between Ukraine and the separatists groups in the self-governing regions of the Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR) and the Luhansk People’s Republic (LPR). The agreements also restored national border security and maintenance to the Ukrainian government resulting in a period of relative stability and peace from 2015 to 2020. 

On 14 September 2020, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy approved a national security strategy that involved increasing partnership with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) with the eventual aim to gain membership. The approved strategy was followed by a year of increasing tensions between Ukraine, Russia and NATO members, with Russia declaring that such an alliance posed a national security threat. Limited skirmishes between Ukrainian and Russian forces throughout the year. By November 2021, the international community reported a renewed build up of Russian forces on the Ukrainian eastern border. After Ukraine rejected Russia’s proposal to abandon pursuing NATO partnership on 17 December 2021, Russian troops also began to consolidate in Belarus on Ukraine’s northern border, while fighting began to escalate in DPR and LPR regions.  On 24 February 2022, minutes after Russian President Vladimir Putin declared a “special military operation” seeking the “demilitarization and denazification” of Ukraine, Russia invaded Ukraine from the north (Belarus), east (Donbas) and south (Crimea). 

Since the initial invasion, Russia has abandoned its push to take Kyiv from Belarus in the north and Ukraine has been able to hold Odesa and Mykolaiv in the south, retaining critical access to the Black Sea. Russian forces remain consolidated in the east and southeast regions. Ukraine launched a counter-offensive in June 2023, and fighting has primarily occurred around the city of Bakhmut, on the western border of the DPR region. Russian missiles and drone strikes continue throughout Ukraine, while Ukrainian drones have hit targets in Crimea, on its borders with Russia and in Moscow.

Since the initial invasion, Russia has abandoned its push to take Kyiv from Belarus in the north and Ukraine has been able to hold Odesa and Mykolaiv in the south, retaining critical access to the Black Sea. Russian forces remain consolidated in the east and southeast regions. Ukraine launched a counter-offensive in June 2023, and fighting has primarily occurred around the city of Bakhmut, on the western border of the DPR region. Russian missiles and drone strikes continue throughout Ukraine, while Ukrainian drones have hit targets in Crimea, on its borders with Russia and in Moscow. 

Bibliography


United Nations Documents

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The Situation in the South China Sea The Situation in the South China Sea

Since the 1970s, China, Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Taiwan and Vietnam have pressed competing territorial claims on islands and waters in the South China Sea, with China pressing the most expansive claims. Although the islands themselves—principally the Spratly and Paracel Islands and the Scarborough Shoal—are small and largely uninhabited, it is believed the region has substantial oil and natural gas reserves, along with productive fishing areas and heavily used shipping lanes. In 2002, China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which includes those countries with competing territorial claims in the South China Sea, signed the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea. In the Declaration, the parties pledged to abide by the United Nations Charter and international laws to promote peace and stability in the region.

In 2013, the Philippines began international arbitration proceedings against China regarding the status of islands in the South China Sea, claiming China unlawfully interfered inside the Philippine Exclusive Economic Zone. In 2016, the arbitration court ruled in favor of the Philippines. However, the Chinese government declined to acknowledge the ruling and continued to press its territorial claims in the South China Sea, known as the “Nine-Dash Line” citing historic rights to the area. In 2014, Vietnam and China filed complaints with the United Nations Secretary-General over planned Chinese offshore oil drilling near the disputed Paracel Islands. China and Vietnam accused the other of aggressive actions, including claims of attempted ship ramming. Regional concern was also raised that China was dredging near the islands to create outposts and, potentially, military bases. Regional negotiations on the topic are stalled, as ASEAN is divided and China has signaled its preference for bilateral negotiations with individual countries.

On 9 August 2021, the Security Council held a meeting to discuss maritime security. In the meeting, Vietnam raised the topic of the South China Sea. Vietnam pledged to continue working with ASEAN and China to fully implement the 2002 Declaration, while also asking the Security Council to make important and concrete contributions to enhancing maritime security. China and the United States accused each other of increasing tensions in the South China Sea. The United States claimed it was promoting stability in the region in the face of illegal actions from China. China denied the accusations, claiming the United States was the biggest threat to the stability of the region as China was already working with ASEAN countries on implementing the 2002 Declaration.

In February 2023, the Philippines and the United States signed an agreement that would allow the United States to increase its military presence in the Philippines, followed by the largest joint military exercise to date in April. This was widely seen as a measure to increase United States presence in the region amidst increasing tensions. In March, the Chinese government threatened “serious consequences,” saying it would take “all necessary measures” to ensure Chinese security after the United States sailed a warship near the disputed Paracel Islands, in what the United States described as a “freedom of navigation operation.” In April, shortly before the joint American-Philippine military exercises were held, the Philippine government claimed a Chinese coast guard ship blocked them from visiting a disputed island and nearly causing a collision. On May 14, the Philippine government announced it placed navigation buoys in the disputed Spratly Islands to assert its claim over the area. 

Bibliography Bibliography

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United Nations Documents  United Nations Documents 

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The Situation in Nagorno-Karabakh The Situation in Nagorno-Karabakh

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, conflict broke out between the former Soviet republics of Armenia and Azerbaijan over the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Although Nagorno-Karabakh was officially part of Azerbaijan, it was largely populated by ethnic Armenians whose regional parliament voted to become part of Armenia. The first war ended when a Russian-brokered ceasefire was agreed to in 1994. The terms of the ceasefire saw Nagorno-Karabakh remain part of Azerbaijan but governed as a separatist republic backed by the Armenian government. The final status of Nagorno-Karabakh was unresolved, and periodic clashes continued between Armenian and Azerbaijani forces.

In September 2020, renewed conflict broke out over Nagorno-Karabakh. The conflict, widely seen as an Armenian defeat, resulted in  Azerbaijani forces gaining control over large areas of Nagorno-Karabakh from Armenian forces. In November of 2020, Russia managed to broker a ceasefire between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Under the terms of the ceasefire, Azerbaijan held on to the territory it took in the war, and Armenian forces would withdraw from the region. A joint Russian-Turkish independent peacekeeping force of approximately 2,000 soldiers would be deployed to Nagorno-Karabakh to monitor the ceasefire and guard the “Lachin corridor” which links the regional capital of Stepanakert (known in Azerbaijan as Khankendi) to Armenia

Despite the presence of the Russian and Turkish peacekeeping force, there have been sporadic skirmishes and violence between Armenian and Azerbaijani backed paramilitaries in Nagorno-Karabakh, particularly over the Lachin corridor. The skirmishes threatened to return to open warfare in September 2022, with Armenian and Azerbaijani forces exchanging heavy artillery fire before agreeing to de-escalate the situation.

In December 2022, Azerbaijani protestors imposed what Armenia describes as a “blockade” on the Armenian inhabited regions of Nagorno-Karabakh and the capital of Stepanakert by cutting off the flow of people and supplies through the Lachin corridor. Armenia claims this is creating shortages of food and medicine. Azerbaijan disputed Armenia’s characterization of the situation as a blockade, stating the movement of people and supplies remained unchanged provided Armenians traveling into the region submit to inspection of their vehicles for weapons. The Azerbaijani government stated the protestors are concerned about illegal mining carried out in Armenian-controlled parts of Nagorno-Karabakh that are stealing from Azerbaijani land. The Armenian government claimed the inspections are an attempt by Azerbaijan to set up border checkpoints. The Russian-Turkish peacekeeping force in the Lachin corridor have not taken measures to disperse the protestors.

The Security Council held a session in December 2022 on the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh, but declined to issue a statement on the matter. In February 2023, the International Court of Justice issued a provisional order for Azerbaijan to take all measures at its disposal to ensure the unimpeded movement along the Lachin corridor. 

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Bibliography Bibliography

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United Nations Documents United Nations Documents

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The Situation in Mali The Situation in Mali

Since independence from France in 1960, relations between the Malian government in the south and the nomadic Tuareg in the north have been tense, characterized by rebellion and violent repression. In early 2012, Tuareg fighters backed by Libya, known as the MNLA, took control of the north of the country as the president of Mali was overthrown in a coup. In the ensuing power vacuum, MNLA territory was taken over by various Islamist and Jihadist movements. In December 2012, the Security Council passed Resolution 2085 backing an African Union support mission to Mali. The situation became more dangerous, and later in December 2012, at the request of the Malian government, French troops were dispatched to Mali to oust the Islamic militants. In April 2013, the Security Council passed Resolution 2100, establishing a peacekeeping mission in Mali—the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali, known by its French acronym, MINUSMA.

The mandate for MINUSMA covered the stabilization of population centers, reestablishment of State authority, assistance for the government’s transition to a more democratic rule through the use of political dialogue and the electoral process, civilian and UN personnel protection, protection of human rights, humanitarian assistance, cultural preservation, and transitional justice mechanisms. Progress has been made towards the government transition to host free and fair elections. There have been different conflict management tools implemented in central Mali to initiate the peace and reconciliation process. The UN has continued to monitor and document violence and other human rights abuses against civilians. The transitional government of Mali has vehemently denied all such allegations. 

Throughout the next eight years, there were numerous rounds of peace negotiations with subsequent violations and continued acts of violence. In 2021, a coup d’état overthrew the Mali government. The new leaders of Mali clashed with the international community over holding elections and how to handle Islamic militants. This led to a push by Mali for the French to withdraw their troops, instead favoring Russian-aligned support, specifically from the Russian mercenaries of the Wagner Group. The French withdrew their troops in August of 2022. The Wagner Group has since been assisting the Malian government. Western countries have voiced their concern over the involvement of the Wagner Group due to reports of human rights abuses committed by the Group in Ukraine and other parts of Africa. 

In the Secretary-General’s report from 1 June 2023, they note the targeting of peacekeepers by militant groups and an increase in violence in the area. They also note that the increase in violence in the Gao and Menaka regions is mostly due to activities from the Islamic State (IS), whereas in central Mali, the increase is due to activity from Jama’a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin, a Mali-based al-Qaeda affiliated terror group. The humanitarian situation is considered alarming with an estimated 8.8 million people in need of humanitarian assistance. On 16 June 2023, Mali’s delegate to the United Nations addressed the Security Council, noting the failure of MINUSMA, and requested the withdrawal of all involved. MINUSMA was up for renewal at the end of June 2023; however, the mandate was terminated with Security Council Resolution 2690 on 30 June 2023, with the process of withdrawal to be completed by December 2023.

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Bibliography Bibliography

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United Nations Documents United Nations Documents

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